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Full resolution (TIFF) - On this page / på denna sida - IV. Economics - 18. Pre-War Labor Market Controls and Their Consequences for the Negro - 4. A Weak Movement Getting Strong Powers
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4o8 An American Dilemma
Briefly, 1 propose that every union, to be entitled to recognition as the agency
of the workers in collective bargaining (and without that recognition most unions
would be doomed), must conform to certain minimum standards of democracy.
Its doors must be open to all qualified workers, regardless of race, creed, or color,
under reasonable standards of initiation fees and dues. Next, its constitution, by-laws,
and practices must provide for orderly elections at reasonable intervals. And finally, a
disciplinary procedure must be set up which will protect members of the union from
arbitrary punishment more serious than most judges and juries can impose. Possibly
some other requirements might be laid down, for instance, with regard to votes on
strikes, but those which I have mentioned seem to me essential.^^
If reform does not come from within the labor movement, it is likely
that the government will take a hand, at least with respect to discrim-
inatory practices. At least four states—Pennsylvania, New York, Kansas,
and Nebraska—have in recent years been experimenting with legislation
against racial discrimination in labor unions.^^ The number of such legisla-
tive attempts is increasing during the present war emergency j
the federal
government, as well, has taken certain action.® It is probable that such
laws will be much more efFective when they become integrated into a gov-
ernment program to preserve democracy and orderly procedures in the
labor unions.
This problem should, however, be viewed from a still wider perspec-
tive. It is almost certain that the economic problems facing the govern-
ment after the War will be centered around unemployment. Economic
interferences on a huge scale are being planned to meet the post-war crisis.
During the War the unions will probably become strengthened. Under
these circumstances it is simply incredible that the government will under-
take tremendous financial efforts to create employment and leave to the
strengthened trade unions the power of partly sabotaging this policy. If
unemployment becomes concentrated upon Negro laborers and other
unpopular groups, which is quite probable, the government, which also
carries the financial responsibilities for relief, can hardly abstain from
taking efforts to hinder the unions from excluding Negroes from employ-
ment.
The Negroes themselves will demand, more strongly than ever, their
share in all sorts of jobs, including those in skilled, clerical and profes-
sional occupations. And they will demand jobs where the economy is
expanding and where there are prospects for the future. Much depends
upon what gains they will make—or fail to make—during the present
War. This War presents their first big chance since the First World War
to gain any new footholds in industries and occupations where they have
never worked before. Much will depend, also, on how the post-war liquida-
tion crisis will be handled. These are the main problems that we have yet
to consider.
*Sce Chapter 19, Section 3.
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