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518

(1944) [MARC] Author: Gunnar Myrdal
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Note: Gunnar Myrdal died in 1987, less than 70 years ago. Therefore, this work is protected by copyright, restricting your legal rights to reproduce it. However, you are welcome to view it on screen, as you do now. Read more about copyright.

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51 An American Dilemma
ference might be for the South to start to carry out the reforms on its
own initiative.*
6. Practical Conclusions
In the South itself, the whole unique political system, particularly the
poll tax, is becoming increasingly shaky. And this is realized by Southerners
with any insight into politics, even if they do not admit it publicly. More
specifically, the disfranchisement of Negroes is losing its entire legal founda-
tion and now depends mainly on illegal measures. From a conservative
point of view, this is the more dangerous as respect for law Is undoubtedly
gaining ground in the South. Not only the legal, but also the political,
security of the white primary will crumble, and this is well known to con-
servative whites. They always stress in discussion that its only basis, and,
therefore, the only basis of the one-party system and the “Solid South,” is
the strict adherence to the “gentleman^s agreement” between the defeated
and the victorious candidates in the primary. If there are going to be more
serious splits on real political issues in the South—and all the changes
mentioned earlier tend to build up liberal counterforces In the South—it
is not only possible but, as I have often heard Southerners stress, probable
that such agreements will not be upheld. As during the period of Populism
in the 1890’s, the Negroes are then going to be allowed to register and
vote. And more Negroes will then have lawful rights to suffrage.
Our conclusion is, thus, that the Southern franchise situation, which on
the surface looks so quiet, is highly unstable and that. Indeed, the Southern
conservative fosition on Negro franchise is ’politically untenable for any
length of time. If this analysis is accepted, and if the value premise is
agreed upon, that changes should^ if possible^ not be made by sudden
upheavals but in gradual steps, we reach the further practical conclusion
that it is an urgent interest and, actually, a truly conservative one, for the
South to start enfranchising its Negro citizens as soon as possible. This is
seen by a small group of Southern liberals.^^
It is true, as Woofter reminds us in discussing this point, that the situa-
tion is complicated. In many areas of the South where the Negro popula-
tion is most densely concentrated, “this group is less intelligent, less familiar
with American institutions, farther down in the economic scale, and most
likely to constitute the corrupt mass-voting element.”^^ So are also large
sectors of the poor white masses in the South. As we have seen. Southern
conservative politics is not without guilt in this situation. But for this very
reason the foreseeable changes being what they are—the more urgent is
* Contrary to a general opinion that the South is conditioned to react only negatively to
Northern criticism and pressure, I am convinced that, on the balance, the effect is almost
always positive. In all fields—education, civic rights, and suffrage—1 have everywhere met
this argument in Southern discussion, that a step is necessary in order to forestall this or
that move from the North.

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