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(1944) [MARC] Author: Gunnar Myrdal
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Footnotes 1203
the probable errors of the measurements, Boas’s claims (’entirely,’ ’essentially’) appear
much exaggerated. It is, nevertheless, not necessary to deny that he found some real
differences between the ancestral and the American-born generations. Whether the total
change, whatever it was, should be attributed to the American climate, food, drink or
mores, is open to doubt. It is indeed quite probable that these had nothing whatever to
do with the change in head-form assuming such a change to have occurred, whether as
a mutation, a recombination of genetic factors, or as a purely somatic modification. One
cannot be certain.”
Other investigators have followed Boas in studying the physical changes accompanying
immigration. For example: Leslie Spier, “Growth of Japanese Children Born in America
and Japan,” University of Washington Publications in Anthropology (July, 1929); H.
L. Shapiro, Migration and Environment (1939). For a summary of such studies see
Maurice H. Krout, “Race and Culture: A Study in Mobility, Segregation, and Selec-
tion,” American Journal of Sociology (September, 1931), pp. 175-189.
There is some inconclusive evidence that the average stature of American Negroes
has been increasing since the Civil War. (Stature has been used by anthropologists as a
characteristic of race.) The average stature of Civil War Negro troops was 168.99
(reported by Baxter) ; while that of World War Negro troops, less selected, if anything,
was 1 7 1 .99 cm. (reported by Davenport and Love) ; and that of Herskovits’ more
representative sample of 887 male Negroes was 170.49. (See Herskovits, The Anthro^
fometry of the American NegrOy p, 43.)
L. P. Jackson “Elizabethan Seamen and the African Slave Trade,” The Journal
of Negro History (January, 1924), p. 2.
Most of the evidence on the basis of which this paragraph was written is brought
together in Ashley-Montagu, op. cit.
“The conversion of new negroes into plantation laborers, a process called ‘breaking
in,’ required always a mingling of delicacy and firmness. Some planters distributed their
new purchases among the seasoned households , • .” (Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro
Slavery [1918], p. 53.)
James G. Leyburn reports that families were separated to prevent their conspiring and
planning revolts. {The Haitian People [1941], p. 179.)
See W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Folk Then and Now (1939); also, “Africa” The
Encyclopedia Britannica (eleventh edition), Vol. i, pp, 325-330.
There have been few attempts by legislation to hinder Negro-Indian intermarriage.
Only three states (Louisiana, Oklahoma, and North Carolina) have laws forbidding such
intermarriage, and these were never seriously enforced. (See Hurd, op, cit.y Vol. i, p.
295, and Mangum, op, cit,, pp. 253-254.)
E. Franklin Frazier, The Negro Family in the United States (1939), Chapter 1 1,
“Racial Islands.”
K. W. Porter, “Relations between Negroes and Indians Within the Present Limits
of the United States,” The Journal of Negro History (July, 1932), pp. 287-367, and
K. W, Porter, “Notes Supplementary to ‘Relations between Negroes and Indians,’”
The Journal of Negro History (July, 1933), pp. 282-321, especially pp. 320-321.
These important studies are referred to, and the rest of the evidence on Negro-Indian
miscegenation is summarized in Ashley-Montagu, op, cit,
Melville J. Herskovits, The American Negro (1928), p. lO.

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