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Footnotes 1217
A Gifted Negro Girl,” The Journal of Social Psychology (February, 1935), pp. 117-
124.)
See Klineberg, “Tests of Negro Intelligence” in Klineberg (editor), Character-
istics of the American Negro^ manuscript pages 13-14 and 106-109. Even Ferguson,
who has been cited on a previous page as an example of a biased investigator, did not
find that Negroes reached their maximum intelligence at an earlier age than did whites.
He found, rather, that they continued their mental growth longer than whites, even
though they never reached the levels attained by the whites. We need not accept this
conclusion either, for the same reasons that his main findings are to be criticized.
See Klineberg, “Experimental Studies of Negro Personality” in Klineberg (editor).
Characteristics of the American NegrOy manuscript page 65.
Subsequent studies have not been able to corroborate Ferguson’s finding cited on
a previous page—that there is a correlation between Intelligence Quotient and the
possession of Negroid traits. See summary by Paul A. Witty and Martin A. Jenkins,
“Intra-Race Testing and Negro Intelligence,” The Journal of Psychology (1935-1936),
pp. 179-192. Even if a correlation were found, it would not prove that the high
intelligence was caused by white ancestry, since socio-economic differences between
mulattoes and full-blooded Negroes would first have to be held constant, and since it
would first have to be proved that the inheritance of intelligence does not involve
dominant or recessive genes and that the parent population were representative samples
of the total Negro and white populations (which they were not) and that passing and
differential reproductivity did not bias the sample of mulattoes.
In their study, “Dimensions of the Body: Whites and American Negroes of Both
Sexes,” p. 48, Todd and Lindala make the point that “it is also irrelevant to suggest
that our series are too small. They are quite representative of the series possible to most
workers and in numbers they compare favorably with series of other races and stocks
which will have to be anthropologically compared.”
One of the earliest of the modern physical anthropological studies reported all its
findings in frequency polygons. For presentation alone, if not in other respects, few
recent studies have approached the excellence of this early study. We refer to Franz
Boas, “The Half-Blood Indian,” The Popular Science Monthly (October, 1894),
pp. 761-770.
Franz Boas, Changes in Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants (1910).
See, Walter H. Eddy and Gessner G. Hawley, We Need Vitamins (1931),
PP- 36-37-
Social anthropologists have been using the psychologist’s devices for some years
to quantify culture differences in personality traits, A selection of these studies is
summarized in Klineberg, Characteristics of the American Negro. There is, for example,
the classic experiment of W. H. R. Rivers (“Observations on the Senses of the Todas,”
The British Journal of Psychology [December, 1 905], pp. 321-396), which showed
the Todas to have a higher pain threshold than his English subjects because they
regarded the experiment as a test of their endurance. Another famous example is
Margaret Mead’s {Coming of Age in Samoa [1928]) experiences with the administra-
tion of the “ball-and-field” questions in the Binet tests, where she found that Samoan
children were much more interested in producing an esthetically satisfying design than
in devising a rational means for finding the ball.
An example of the use of intelligence tests to measure cultural differences between
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