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Footnotes 1317
tion. But education, not least political education, takes time. And the Negroes were not
given time.
See William J. Robertson, The Changing Soufh (1927), p. 144; Bessie L. Pierce,
Public Opinion and the Teaching of History in the United States (1926), pp. 136-169;
Marie E. Carpenter, The Treatfnent of the Negro in American History School Text-
books (1941), especially pp. 43-48; and Lawrence D. Reddick, “Racial Attitudes in
American History Textbooks of the South,” in The Journal of Negro History (July,
1934), PP* 225-265.
Thomas P. Bailey testified:
“I found that the younger white voters were bent on causing trouble at the polls
during a municipal election. I inquired whether they feared that the negroes might
carry the election. The reply was in the negative. The ‘audacity^ and ‘impertinence’ of
the negroes in ‘daring’ or ‘presuming’ to vote was the trouble.” The same attitude is
frequently displayed today.
“Patterns of Race Conflict,” in Race Relations and the Race Problem^ Edgar T.
Thompson (editor) (1939), p. 138.
®®Paul H. Buck, The Road to Reunion—i86s-igoo (1937), pp. 284-285.
Edgar G. Murphy, The Basis of Ascendancy (1910), p. 39.
38 South accustomed itself to denying this essential condition of democratic
government [freedom of speech] during the days of slavery.”^
Human Geography of the South (1932), pp. 75-76.
Op, cit,i p, 43.
Chapter 21. Southern Conservatism and Liberalism
’ Because there were several occasions on which the South split politically, as we not^
in the text, Lewinson claims that the South is not generally “solid.”^^ On another ground,
Ray Stannard Baker prefers not to consider the South as “solid,” although he does use
the term:
“In the South to-day there are, as inevitably as human nature, two parties and two
political points of view. The one is aristocratic and the other is democratic.”^*
Nevertheless, one party is completely dominant in the South today, despite freak elections
such as in 1928 and despite splits within the party. There is a “Solid South” and it has
a one-party system.
^ John D. Hicks, The Populht Revolt (1931), p. 391. For a brief history of the
Populist party in the Southern states see Lewinson, op, cit,y pp. 69, 75 and 164.
^ The principal idea of this movement to disfranchise the Negro by “constitutional”
means was to invent statutory formulations which discriminated against “Negro charac-
teristics” rather than against the Negro race. Poll tax requirements and property,
literacy, “understanding” and “good character” clauses were the main devices used.
(See Chapter 22.) Some of these techniques for disfranchising the Negroes were
^ Race Orthodoxy in the South (1914), p. 38.
^William E. Dodd in a communication to the editor of Nation (April 25, 1907), p. 383.
See also William E. Dodd, The Cotton Kingdom (1919), pp. 23, 69-70, and 146.
’Paul Lewinson, Race^ Class and Party (1932), p. loi.
^Following the Color Line (1908), p. 242.
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