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1348 An American Dilemma
acquiring propertj and ‘getting out of his place’” p. 81), and he talks about
their “fear” of the Negro. {lbid,y pp. 7-8.)
Tannenbaum, of, cit,y pp. 8-9.
White, of, cit,y pp. 1 1 1 ff.
Ibid,, pp. 40 ff.
William J. Robertson, The Changing South (1927), p. 99. The phenomenon
was observed also by Andre Siegfried, who pointed out that the Klan movement was
inspired by the Protestant clergy; see America Comes of Age (1927) pp. 1 32-1 3 5.
®®Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, pp. 2, 21 fassim,
“Village life is dull everywhere, but in the South the situation is in many respects
worse than in any other part of the country. The single crop so characteristic of the
Sotith has its influence in denying the rural population varied interests. The single
crop, with its reduction of the farmer to the status of a city worker, who has to depend
upon a money economy for nearly all of his needs, with its greater emphasis upon a
money crop for sale rather than a varied crop for use, with its tendency to neglect the
other subsidiary activities that are the very foundation of diversified farming, with its
large tenancy, its frequent change of place, its intermittent periods of idleness, its
monotonous food, its indebtedness, lack of interest in the farm, in its appearance, and
the too frequent absence of numerous cattle and their almost human appeal to tender-
ness and care—the single crop has made the rural community in the South much more
a burden spiritually and has meant much greater need for external excitement, partly
expressed in intense religious emotions and protracted meetings.” (Tannenbaum, of,
cit,y pp. 21-22.)
32
White, of, cit,, pp. 9 ff.
For a general consideration of the nature of the lynching mob, see Richard T.
LaPiere, Collective Behavior (1939), pp. 538-542.
Charles S. Johnson describes the effects on the Negro community:
“During and shortly after a lynching the Negro community lives in terror. Negroes
remain at home and out of sight. When the white community quiets down, the
Negroes go back to their usual occupations. The incident is not forgotten, but the routine
of the plantation goes on. The lynching, in fact, is part of the routine. . . . The effect
on children is profound and permanent. After a time the Negro community returns
to ‘normal.’ Life goes on, but Negro youth ‘let white folks tend to their business.’
Contacts with whites are avoided as far as possible. The youth may work for white
people but intimacy is avoided. The Negro servant or laborer continues friendly to his
employers. The employers may even be liked and regarded as ‘good white folks,’ but
ultimate trust is held in abeyance.” (Grozoing Uf in the Black Belt [1941], pp.
317-318.)
Murphy wrote:
“It has become increasingly obvious, however, that whatever the practise of lynching
may or may not be, it is not a remedy. It does not prevent crime. Through the morbid
Interests which it arouses, and through the publicity which it creates, it inflames to
the utmost the power of criminal suggestion and aggravates all the conditions of racial
suspicion and antagonism. The so-called ‘remedy’ has always been followed by new
outbreaks of the disease, the most atrocious crimes coming at short intervals after the
previous exercise of the mob’s philosophy of ‘prevention.* ” (Edgar G. Murphy,
Problems of the Present South [1909; first edition, 1904], p. 178.)
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