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Footnotes 1359
^ Charles S. Johnson, Growing Uf in the Black Belty p. 284.
Ibid,y pp. 283-284.
Frank U. Quillin, The Color Line in Ohio (1913), pp. 97-104.
Dusk of DawUy pp. 8 ff. Du Bois tells about when he entered high school . .
there came some rather puzzling distinctions which I can see now were social and racial
but the racial angle was more clearly defined against the Irish than against me. It was a
matter of income and ancestry more than color.” {Ibid., p. 14.) Another description of
the status of Negroes in a small New England city may be found in Robert A. Warner’s
New Haven Negroes (1940).
According to some observers, there was a noticeable decrease of friendliness toward
Negroes in the North even before the Great Migration. Ray Stannard Baker, for ex-
ample, expresses this opinion in Following the Color Line (pp. 188 ff.). It may have
been due to the passing of the Abolitionist fervor or to the beginning of the Negro
migration from the South (partly for the purpose of breaking strikes) or to the ‘^new
immigrants” from Southern and Eastern Europe. Counterbalancing factors were the im-
proved educational and economic status of Northern Negroes and the practical absence
of forced residential segregation. If there was such a trend, it was not important, and
the increase of anti-Negro sentiment in the North may—for all practical purposes—^be
said to have begun with the Great Migration.
Chapter 29. Patterns of Social Segregation and Discrimination
^
The actual patterns of segregation and discrimination—even if not their motivation
—^are facts subject to simple observation and, consequently, to quantitative measurement
and analysis. When the attitudes and popular theories of white persons with respect to
Negro persons are manifested in such concrete acts as passing laws, signing restrictive
covenants, and demanding certain signs of deference, these actions can be counted and
classified, and differences noted in them relative to type, region, time periods, social
class, sex, age and so on. Residential segregation is visible in the layout of the community,
and some of its concomitants—such as a differential in the proportion of Negroes seen
on various streets or in various stores—can be made graphic by simple enumeration.
Studies have been made—using census data—of the proportions of Negroes residing in
the different sections of cities. (See, for example, T. J. Woofter, Jr., and Associates,
Negro Problems in Cities [1928] ; and United States Federal Housing Administration,
Homer Hoyt, The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighborhoods in Asnerican
Cities [1939].) There has not been, however, a systematic effort to relate the facts
of residential distribution to differentials in patterns of ways of limiting contacts with
Negroes and treating them as inferiors. The provision of such things as separate public
toilets, drinking fountains, and railroad station entrances for Negroes is visible in signs
and posters or in the structure of buildings. Prohibitions against intermarriage and
against the use of the same schools or the same railway cars are easily detectible in laws
and court decisions, as well as in collected statistics and by direct observation. The extent
of separation of Negroes and whites in business and in professional and friendly associa-
tions can be discerned by scanning membership lists or by brief interviews with secretaries.
For the measurement of segregation and discrimination in interpersonal relations, the
invettigator could obtain short-period diaries of Negroes, and perhaps whites, living in
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