Full resolution (JPEG) - On this page / på denna sida - Chapter II. The Baltic Minorities' Rights. Their relation to Municipal and International Law. Lecture delivered at the Grotius Society in London, November 1921
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therefore, come to an agreement with the Border States, and without
destroying their self-determination, Russia should be placed in a position
which gives her freedom under all possible conditions.“ Likewise, the
Russian Monarchist Congress at Reichenhall recognised that
the Border States, enjoying a full „autonomy in Home affairs“, must be
given the means of cultivating their own racial peculiarities. The Russian
newspaper, edited in Paris, „Obstche Djelo" (The Common Cause) of
the 11th June 1921, expresses itself in favour of an understanding with
the Border States, „but“, adds the paper, „what is to be done, if an
agreement with these States is not reached? It is clear that then it
must come to a fight. Cut off from her Baltic ice-free ports by the
Border States, Russia will not be able to exist as a great Power, more
particularly so, as these States will hardly be in a position to keep their
independence, and will unsuspectingly and involuntarily come under the
influence of one of the great Powers whose interests happen to be
opposed to those of Russia.“ Since the admission of Eesti and Latvia to the
League of Nations, the language of the „White Russian“ press has
become even more threatening, and points to the inevitableness of war to
regain the lost Baltic Provinces. Russian opinion is, therefore, quite
clear on this point. It is true that Soviet-Russia has acquiesced to the
separation of Latvia and Eesti but, the number of Communists is no
more than 700 000 out of a total population in Russia of 125 000 000,
and no representative Constituent Assembly has ever expressed its
sanction of this self-determination.
Latvia and Eesti will have to undergo a test with the Russian Giant
on the matter of their independence, which will be the easier to maintain
when they can count upon sympathy and assistance from abroad, and,
in the first place, much will depend on England, who has undertaken to
protect her important interests in the Baltic States and has been at
pains to use Latvia as an out-post against Germany, as well as against
Russia. It was of importance for England, for political and commercial
reasons, to counteract German influence in the Balticum, and thereby
to assure for herself a preponderating position in those lands. This was
well within England’s reach, for she had at her command a sufficiently
powerful fleet to keep the Baltic sea-board permanently under her
control. At the same time, England was storing up a weapon against
Russia. The traditional Russophobe policy of England is, of old, directed
towards weakening Russia as much as possible. Lloyd George has not
hesitated to make a statement to that effect in the House. England
is endeavouring by every manner of means to keep in touch with Latvia
and Eesti. She has undertaken to protect Latvia’s interests in places
where Latvia has no consular or diplomatic representatives of her own;
an English newspaper has been founded in Reval; in general Great
Britain stands in intimate relationship with the Latvian and Estonian
governments.
Likewise, France, Latvia and Eesti’s second sponsor, may be of use
to them in the future. France’s policy in the Baltic Border-lands follows
the same line of conduct as in Poland, where the principle object is to
prevent direct intercourse between Germany and Russia, by placing
buffer-states in their way. France does not care whether Russia’s
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