- Project Runeberg -  An American Dilemma : the Negro Problem and Modern Democracy /
826

(1944) [MARC] Author: Gunnar Myrdal
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Note: Gunnar Myrdal died in 1987, less than 70 years ago. Therefore, this work is protected by copyright, restricting your legal rights to reproduce it. However, you are welcome to view it on screen, as you do now. Read more about copyright.

Full resolution (TIFF) - On this page / på denna sida - IX. Leadership and Concerted Action - 39. Negro Improvement and Protest Organizations - 6. The N.A.A.C.P. Branches - 7. The N.A.A.C.P. National Office

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826 An American Dilemma
that, even If the formal membership is small, the great majority of Negroes
in all classes in the South, as well as in the North, back its program.
The N.A.A.C.P. branches in the Northern cities usually have larger
membership rolls than those in Southern cities, not only because there are
many more Negroes In the average Northern Negro community, but also
because most of the specific difficulties under which the Southern branches
labor are absent. They are free to carry out campaigns and to take cases
into court. The Negro vote gives them a backing for their demands. Con-
sidering the much more favorable conditions under which the Northern
branches work, it should be no surprise that they are generally stronger
and more active than Southern branches. The surprising thing is that they
^re not stronger and more active than they actually are.
7. The N.A.A.C.P. National Office
The major part of the work carried on by the Association is performed
by its National Office, which strikes the observer as unusually effective in
its work. Owing to the National Office, the Association exerts—locally and
nationally—an influence out of proportion to its small membership. The
33-year life span of the Association and the constant publicity it has re-
ceived over the years give it prestige, stability, and respect, which the
national officers know how to capitalize upon.
Generally, the National Office acts as a ^Vatchdog” over Negro rights.
When anything important develops on the national or on some local scene
which is adverse to Negro interest, the Association promptly intervenes. A
usual measure is that its secretary directs a telegram or letter to the respon-
sible officials, which is made public through the press service of the Associa-
tion. Of special importance is its watch on national legislation. The National
Office tries to get hearings before Congressional committees and other
investigating bodies and places on record its information and its demands
on behalf of the Negroes. In the same way the Association fights for
remedial legislation and for the adoption of changes in administrative
practice. It is prepared to associate itself with other white or Negro
organizations in cases touching Negro rights and interests.

Systematic lobbying, primarily in Washington, but also in state capitals,
is kept up. Much of this work falls upon the shoulders of the secretary,
Walter White. The Association tries to get on public record the opinions
in crucial problems of federal administrators, congressmen, governors,
other state officials, and important personalities in organizations and in
business.

It loses no opportunity to place each and every elected or appointed official on
record regarding specific cases affecting Negroes, such as lynching, riots, civil service
discrimination, segregation, the right to vote, public works, unemployment relief,
slander of the Negro race, etc. Where an official is derelict in his duty or openly

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