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ii82 An American Dilemma
to associate the two fundamental concepts of the Creed and the two conflicting
tendencies in American social history: (i) to French eighteenth century humanitarianism
and equal itarianism, represented by Rousseau and (2) to English seventeenth century
liberalism, represented by Locke.
The difference between the two schools—^and the two European influences condition-
ing the American mind—should, however, not be overemphasized. Both branches of
the Enlightenment philosophy believed in “inalienable rights of man,” both assumed
a harmony between equality of opportunity and liberty. It should not be forgotten that
Locke—^and in frincifle also the later English liberals—^justified only those titles to
property which derived from labor as the single “factor of production”; other property
titles were “monopolies” and “special privileges.” {In fractice the English school was,
however, more conservative than in its principles, particularly in regard to property.)
When Jefferson changed “property” to “pursuit of happiness,” he followed the more
inclusive French idealism, and stuck a radical tone. But as Jefferson and his party did
not come out for a state interference in the interest of the poor, and as economic protec-
tion of the interests of the rich could not be defended on the grounds of English
liberalism, the change was not of great importance for the time being. Both schools had
their interests focused on political and civil rights. Both schools thought in terms of
defending the individual, primarily against the state, not frocuring for him something
by means of the state. The contemporary conservatives were actually more interventionist
they wanted, however, to interfere against equality. But they did not have philosophical
support from either the French or the English school.
In one single direction Jefferson wanted to extend the scope of government—popular
education. And there he could also claim the support of both the English and the French
philosophical schools of liberalism; both believed in environment as the chief explana-
tion of human differences and, consequently, the chief means of improving mankind.
The French interest was, of course, less platonic. But all liberalism of the Enlighten-
ment was for intervention in this one field of education. Belief in education became
a part of the American Creed and has since then retained its hold upon the mind of the
nation. In this field America early assumed world leadership and has held it up to the
present time.
Cited by Ernest S. Bates, American Faith (1940), pp. 275 ff.
lbid,y p. 9.
Ralph H. Gabriel, The Course of American Democratic Thought (1940), p. 37.
Guion G. Johnson, “History of Racial Ideologies,” unpublished manuscript pre-
pared for this study (1940), Vol. i, p. 67.
James Bryce, The American Commonwealth (1911; first edition, 1893), Vol.
2, pp. 289 ff.
18 Price of Free World Victory,” mimeographed press release from the Office
of the Vice-President.
Lord Bryce, for example, wrote: “The Americans are a good-natured people,
kindly, helpful to one another, disposed to take a charitable view even of wrongdoers.
Their anger sometimes flames up, but the fire is soon extinct.” (Op. cit,^ Vol, 2, p. 285,)
Gabriel, of, cit,^ p. 406.
21
“Popular impatience of restraint is aggravated in the United States by political and
legal theories of ‘natural law.’ As a political doctrine, they lead individuals to put into
action a conviction that conformity to the dictates of the individual conscience is a test
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