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Footnotes 1247
^®Carl T. Schmidt, American Farmers in the World Crisis (1941), p. 156.
Ibid, p. 155.
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Yearbook of Agriculture: 1940, p. 654.
According to certain estimates (Holley, Winston, and Woofter, of, cit,y p. 116),
the labor requirements for cotton do not at all vary with the acreage, but only with the
number of bales produced. It is understandable that this would be true about chopping
and picking—but less so about operations which have to do with the soil rather than
the plants. It does not seem, therefore, that these estimates would disprove that the
acreage cuts have brought about a decrease in the need for year-round labor.
Henry I. Richards, Cotton and the A,A.A, (1936), p. 146.
Sterner and Associates, op, cit,y pp. 75-76.
Holley, Winston, and Woofter, of, cit,^ p. 44.
Edwin G. Nourse, Joseph S. Davis, and John D. Black, Three Years of the
Agricultural Adjustment Administration (1937), p. 344. See also Allison Davis, B. B.
Gardner, and M. R. Gardner, Deep South (1941), pp. 283-284.
Nourse, Davis, and Black, op, cit,, p. 344. See also Carl T. Schmidt, of, cit,, p. 265:
“The Act . . . obligates landlords not to reduce the number of their tenants below
the average number on their farms during the last three years. The loophole is that
the limitation applies only if the county committee finds that the change or reduction
is not justified and disapproves such a change or reduction.*’
Lange, “Agricultural Adjustment Programs and the Negro,” p. 37.
Thomas J. Woofter, Jr., “The Negro and Agricultural Policy,” unpublished
manuscript prepared for this study (1940), pp. 104 ff. Particularly illuminating is the
following statement by a Missouri planter, quoted by Schmidt, of, cit,y p. 265:
“What happens after a landlord decides upon a change [from tenants to wage labor] ?
He goes to the committee, and thereupon the three harassed men who are trying to run
a complicated cotton program find themselves in an impossible position. They know
very well that, since 1933, other owners hav^ shifted to day labor and are getting all
the payments. Why, therefore, should they discriminate against this late-comer? . . .
They get very little credit if they stand firm and. try to run a good program.”
Concrete examples of how the local administration in the Deep South is domin-
ated by large landlords are given by Davis, Gardner, and Gardner. See, for instance,
op, cit,y pp. 283-284.
Lange observes:
“The decentralization of A.A.A. might give the programs a more democratic
character. That so much of the responsibility of promoting the programs has been placed
upon the local committees is, howevery
in many respects to the disadvantage of the
Negroes, The local administration of the A.A.A. in the South has been fitted Into the
traditional pattern of racial segregation. This segregation prevents the Negro from
participating actively in the county associations. . . It is possible that A.A.A. to some
extent has contributed to a breakdown of the racial barriers, for the Negroes are
allowed to attend A.A.A. meetings together with white farm operators in a few
Southern states, as, for example, in North Carolina. But, with rare exceptions, they
would not be permitted at those meetings in Alabama or Mississippi . . . although the
Negro farm operators actually are in the majority in many counties. The influence of
the Negro farm agents over the administration of A.A.A. is, of course, only through
the white agents. This brings us to the conclusion that the Negro farmers have very
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