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1330 An American Dilemma
B7 adding Florida, the total was brought up to 1,905,000, which is close to the total
number of Negro votes.
‘^^Gosnell, Negro Politkiansy pp. 364-367; Bunchc, **The Political Status of the
Negro,” Vol. 6, p. 1272 fassim^
^®Lcwinson, of, cit,^ p. 130.
^^Scc Raper, of, cit,, pp, 27 ff.
Editorial in the Montgomeiy Advsrtis^r (April 23, 1940). Cited in Raper, of,
cit,, p. 45.
Ibid,y p, 50.
According to a Negro political leader in an interview in November, 1939. See
Bunche, “The Political Status of the Negro,” Vol. 4, p. 923.
Ibid,f p. 994.
®® Raper, of, eit.^ p. 13.
®® Bunche, “The Political Status of the Negro,” Vol. 4, pp. 866-867.
^^lbid,y p. 91 1.
Ibid,
y
p. 985.
®® Ibid,y Vol. 6, p. 1490, and Lewinson, of, cit,y pp. 150-151.
®^ Bunche, “The Political Status of the Negro,” Vol. 4, p. 906.
®® Idem,
®®/^<V., Vol. 4, p. 782.
®®Go8ncll, Negro Politicians^ p. 373.
Gosnell describes the political loyalty of the Negroes in the following terms:
“The greatest contribution which the rank and file of the Negro group had to offer
to the white political leaders was personal loyalty. The politician who won their confi-
dence could count on their support even in the most adverse of circumstance. It was
common belief among certain white politicians that the Negro vote was influenced
primarily by large expenditures of money. It is true that colored party workers demand
compensation for their services on behalf of given candidates. Other things being
equal, the colored voters, like the white voters in many parts of the United States,
support the candidates who spend the most money. However, these candidates had to
measure up to given standards of acceptability if the money spent was to yield the best
returns. In other words, money, jobs, and other rewards might not influence the Negro
voters to support a candidate who was regarded as hostile to the interests of the race in
preference to one who had a reputation of fair dealing in race matters. This is not to
say that the favored candidate, if he wanted a large vote, could neglect to spend the
money that was commonly put into districts of the sanie economic status. Another
evidence of the loyalty of the colored voters was their behavior when the political
fortunes of their favorite candidates were sinking. The Negroes, like other minority
groups, do not enjoy supporting losing causes, but when their friends are going down
they stick with them to the last.” (Negro Politiciansy pp. 365-366.)
Henderson, of, cit,y pp. 78-79.
®® Gosnell, Negro Politicians
,
p. 367.
Negro political leaders have sometimes claimed that Negroes control the “balance*
of power” in as many as x
7 states. This estimate is based on the dubious assumptions; that
all Negroes of voting age do vote, that the Negro vote is perfectly organized and flex-
ible, that white voters are always divided as closely as they were in 1 940, and that white
voters would be uninfluenced if an organized Negro movement were afoot.
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