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178 BULGARIA ATTACKS HER ALLIES [cii. xii.
and when he would regret not having listened to my
earnest advice.
Two days later Gueshov’s resignation was accepted
by the King, and a short ministerial crisis set in.
I was convinced that the definite turn of events
depended on the solution of the ministerial crisis, by
which I mean as to whether an armed collision was to
take place between the Bulgarians and their former
allies, or whether the matter could be settled amicably.
The Bulgarian National Assembly was not sitting at
the moment, and besides, according to the laudable
custom of constitutional countries such as Bulgaria,
Greece, Rumania, no one dreamt under the
circumstances of taking the opinion of the parliamentary
majority into consideration. The King could calmly
entrust any one he liked with the formation of the new
Cabinet, and the latter—in the event of the opposition
of the Chamber, or even without any opposition—could
just as calmly dissolve the Chamber and proceed to
fresh elections in the complete assurance that these
elections would yieid a crushing Government majority.
Hence the choice of the new Ministers depended solely
on Ferdinand’s good pleasure.
From the day following Gueshov’s resignation the
report spread in Sofia that Malinov and the Radicals
had the best chance of returning to power. I expected
this, and some time before Gueshov’s resignation I had
had two or three interviews with Malinov, and we had
discussed the serious topic of the hour—that of the
Serbo-Bulgarian and Greco-Bulgarian demarcation.
At the beginning Malinov—just like Madame
Kara-velov, whom I was calling on again—gave vent to very
extreme opinions. But, having listened to all my
arguments, and further weighed all the dangers which
threatened Bulgaria from all sides if she absolutely
refused to make certain concessions, my two friends
came round to my opinion up to a point, and Malinov
promised me that if he came into power he would
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