- Project Runeberg -  Norway : official publication for the Paris exhibition 1900 /
171

(1900) [MARC]
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The bills must be discussed and voted in one of the sessions
of the following period, that is, after a new election. For the
bill to become law, a majority of two thirds of the Storthing in
pleno is necessary.

The fundamental law being silent in this respect, there are
diverging opinions upon the question whether the king’s sanction
is necessary for the constitutional laws; the laws that have been
passed, have all been sanctioned by the king. [1]

§ 112 of the fundamental law provides that modifications must
never be introduced contrary to the principles and spirit of the
constitution.

Norway is, according to the constitution, a free and
independent kingdom, united with Sweden. The form of the
government is constitutional.

In the titles of the fundamental law is found the doctrinal
tripartition of the sovereignty of the people, the executive power
(§ 3 and foll.), the legislative power (§ 49 and foll.), and the judicial
power (§ 86 and foll.). On a closer examination of the context,
where the law fixes the attributes of the king (the government)
and those of the parliament, the functions of the legislature and
those of the executive power are found to be far from clearly
defined; and in the chapter on the judicial power, many things are
omitted which might have been provided for there. The
fundamental law only organises the High Court of the Realm {Rigsret, see
page 183), and gives, besides, the principal features of the
organisation of the Supreme Court (Høiesteret), and defines its
jurisdiction, by which it is placed above all the other civil or military
courts; but nothing is mentioned about the organisation of the
latter, or who is to organise them. Among the general dispositions
there are some which in certain respects establish the independence
of the tribunals e. g. § 96, that no one can be condemned but
according to a law, nor punished except by the sentence of a
tribunal. But the relations of the tribunals to the executive power


[1] There are authors and politicians who assert that the king has no veto
on the laws modifying the constitution; others accord him a suspensory veto,
and others again declare that the royal veto is absolute on these laws. After
the events leading to the condemnation of the ministers in 1884 (see History
page 155) and after the promulgation of the law admitting ministers to
parliament, the dissension about the veto on constitutional laws has been reduced to
a merely theoretical difference of opinion.

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