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188
III. CONSTITUTION AND ADMINISTRATION OF SWEDEN.
Most of the clauses in which, at the beginning of the Union, full
equality was not established, have since by and by been altered according
to the wish of the Norwegians. Thus, in external emblems, the
co-equality has been complete ever since 1844. What now remains is
practically nothing but the treatment of diplomatic affairs, which
has in recent years been the great subject of controversy, and therefore
ought to deserve a brief historical retrospect.
The Swedish constitution of 1809 enjoined that diplomatic affairs were not to
be discussed by the cabinet in full conclave but were to be reported to the King
by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the presence of one other member of the
Cabinet only. As regards Norway, it was agreed at the beginning of the Union
to exclude from Norwegian Constitutional Law all clauses regarding the discussion
of such business; both sides evidently proceeding from the supposition that these
matters were, even when Norway was concerned, to be conducted by the
Swedish Minister for Foreign Affairs — an arrangement which the Union Act
directly prescribes for the case of an interim administration being in power. In
order to meet the wishes of the Norwegians for the presence of Norwegian
Councilors at the discussion of diplomatic business, the King issued, in 1835, an order
in the Swedish Cabinet that at such discussions the Norwegian State Minister
in Stockholm should likewise be present.
In March 1885, the Swedish Parliament passed an alteration in the
Constitution of Sweden, in accordance with which the Swedish Prime Minister should
also assist at discussions of diplomatic cases. The number of Swedish members
in the diplomatic Council would thus have to be increased, and under those
circumstances the Swedish Cabinet still further proposed, before the Bill was
sanctioned, that a Norwegian Minister (besides the Norwegian Prime Minister) should
be summoned to a council of this kind. The proposal was not carried, because
the Norwegians demanded that this question should be discussed in the
Norwegian, not in the United Council (as if it did not concern both kingdoms). The
resolution of the Parliament was then ratified. A short time afterwards the King
proposed that an addition should be made to the Union Act to the effect that
the number of Norwegian members should, like that of the Swedish ones, be
increased to three. The Norwegians then made fresh demands, partly that such
diplomatic business, which might he regarded as only affecting the one kingdom, should
be discussed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs in presence only of the Cabinet
Councilors from that kingdom, partly that the terms should be so couched that
the Minister of Foreign Affairs might be indifferently a member of the Norwegian
or Swedish Cabinet. Against this, the Swedish side replied that such an extension
of Norway’s influence could not be conceded without a thorough revision of the
Union Act, whereby Sweden’s legitimate desires should also be realized. As no
agreement could be come to, the matter was dropped.
In order to show that Sweden’s opposition to the Norwegian demands did
not proceed from any prejudice against equality of the kingdoms, in January 1893,
the Swedish Government, on drawing up the Foreign Budget, took the opportunity
to mention as its standpoint that through mutual concession a satisfactory
solution for both kingdoms ought to be arrived at, both with regard to the
settlement of the Foreign Ministry of both countries on a basis of equality with one
Foreign Minister in common, Swede or Norwegian, and in the question of
organization of the Consular system, — which is also connected with the Foreign Office.
After various ineffectual negotiations, a Committee of seven Swedish and seven
Norwegian members was appointed, in November 1895, to draw up proposals
for amended clauses with regard to the Union. The Committee separated in January
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