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1543.] Position of the church. GUSTAVUS VASA.
partition which threatened the kingdom from the
domination of the nobles was also latent, although
under a different shape, in the developement of
popular power. The political influence of the
peasants gave new importance to the democratic forms
of the ancient federative system, which put forth its
last energies in revolt. How often in those times
do we not see the commonalties of different
pro-vinces acting in the exercise of self-rule, taking up
arms, forming alliances, and renewing with each
other compacts of bygone days ! It is Upper
Sweden more particularly which presents this spectacle ;
whereas, in the South, the nobles possessed the
ascendancy, excepting in Smaland ; and hence this
province during the reign of Gustavus was, next to
Dalecarlia, the principal seat of disturbance among
the peasantry. Accustomed to insecurity of life
and property, the armed commons were yet in their
poverty impatient of taxation; and this Gustavus
himself was destined to experience 6.
The church might be regarded as a foreign power
established in the kingdom, which in the absence of
any supreme civil authority, looked well to its own
interest. Its dignitaries constituted the most
powerful portion of the aristocracy, the more that the
bishops were also the holders of temporal fiefs.
They had ever signalized themselves by devotion
to the Union, and had therefore soon drawn upon
their heads the hostility of the patriotic party.
Engelbert had already openly menaced the
personal safety of the bishops, and throughout the
reign of Charles Canuteson, as well as the
administration of the Stures, an incessant struggle against
their power was maintained. A revengeful
archbishop opened the way for Christian the Tyrant to
the throne ; hence no man was ever more detested
in Sweden than Gustave Trolle’7. In the ensuing
war the popular exasperation broke out with
singular violence against the persons and property of
the bishops ; and we find frequent threats of
vengeance addressed to the monks and priests, called
forth by their licentious and disorderly manners 8.
In general, the church suffered much during the
war from the tyrannical proceedings of Christian,
even towards his own friends 9. Yet it was beyond
comparison the richest corporation in the country,
Demands of the
Lubeckers.
and exercised through the inferior clergy great
influence.
It was under such circumstances that Gustavus
had to re-establish in Sweden a regal power no
longer existing, and to commence his reign with
the requirement of the greatest sacrifices.
So early as the elective diet of Strengness, in
1523, two senators of Lubeck delivered in an
account of expenses incurred for assistance rendered
in the siege of Stockholm, which was not yet
terminated, demanding immediate payment of the
sum, or as the price of delay, an unconditional
confirmation of the commercial privileges enjoyed
by Lubeck within the kingdom, according to a
statement drawn up by themselves. This powerful
town, which boasted of raising up and dethroning
the sovereigns of the north 1, had newly concluded
an alliance with king Frederic of Denmark, and
promised him conditionally its aid for the
acquisition of the Swedish crown. The envoys dropped
threats 011 this head 2, and the negociation for the
surrender of Stockholm being in their hands, it
was found necessary to grant all their demands3.
Christian II. still continued to be formidable
from his alliances, although by the commencement
of the year 1524, only the isle of Gottland
acknowledged his superiority 4 ; " things have now gone
so far, that nothing besides this poor land is left to
your grace," writes to him Severin Norby, who
governed the island in his name, and exercised
piracy upon vessels of all nations. Both Gustavus
and Frederic, the Swedish council as well as the
Danish, had in vain assailed his fidelity by
temptation. In his letters to his fugitive master, Norby
complains of treachery. Calmar, which he had
well furnished with stores for a whole year, had
notwithstanding been surrendered, with a cowardice
which deserved the gallows and wheel. I11
Finland, which was the more important, " as this
was, for rent, the best part of Sweden," the king’s
troops, according to Norby, had not conducted
themselves better, so that there was not time left
him to reach the country when he wished to
defend it, though he had resolved to do so in case
of necessity with Russian assistance. Now, he
TIIE REFORMATION.
° " Neither in this our realm are the common people of
such a humour that they will bear to have great imposts and
tallages laid upon them, as in other lands and realms, unless
we should expect to have a rising among them therefrom."
King Gustavus to Eric Fleming, December 5, 1535. Registry
of the Archives.
7 On the mere report of a reconciliation with the
archbishop, the Dalesmen wrote to Gustavus " that they could in
tiiat case by 110 means keep the engagement of fidelity they
had made to him; he should not think it ill in the poor people
of the valleys that they spoke this opinion so boldly." When
the archbishop, nevertheless, afterwards attempted to excite
disturbances among them by letters and messengers, they
informed him that they would rise up against him and his
faction, every man in the Dales who was fifteen years old,
and as long as their arrows and bolts lasted. See the letters
in Troil, Memoirs, iv. 352, 356.
8 One of the chaplains of Gustavus killed another with a
battle-axe, January 28, 1523. Correspondence of bishop
Brask. Scandinavian Memoirs, xvii. 83. For an example of
the corrupt manners of the mendicant friars, see p. 193.
9 See the letters of bishop Brask to Rome, complaining of
the state of the bishoprics, March 5, 1523, and therefore
before the elevation of Gustavus to the throne. " Ecclesia
Arosiensis in maxima paupertate relicta, Strengnesensis
clerus ter uno anno spoliatus, Scarensis ecclesia per hostes
incensa, Upsaletisis tot afflictionibus preventa, Vexionensis
in terminis hostium, Linkopensis communis praeda;" and
the church, instead of comfort, received nothing but
mockery, and " sarcastic consolations." This he ascribes to the
Lutheran heretics, by which it was already attacked 011 all
sides.
1 " It is the Ltibeckers and their adherents who have set
up in Sweden a new king in our stead," says Christian II.
in a letter to a canon of Cologne, dated Berlin, September
26. 1527. Archives of Christian II.
2 Coloratis verbis obductas minas. Letter of the bishop of
Skara to Brask, bishop of Linkbping, the latter of whom
shrunk from personal attendance 011 the diet.
3 Lubeck and Dantzic and the towns in alliance with
them, to which Lubeck granted permission, obtained an
exclusive right of trading with Sweden free of duties,
conformably to a charter subscribed by the king and the council.
A Finnish councillor, Canute Ericson (Kurk), refused his
signature.
4 Norway renounced obedience to him August 5, 1523. At
the commencement of the following year, Copenhagen and
Malmce acknowledged king Frederic. Gustavus sent a
company of foot to assist in the siege of the latter place, and
contributed ten ships to the reduction of the inland of
Born-holm.
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