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is indebted to the civilization of Western Europe, and
that it is the Russian people’s own fault if they have
only used this civilization to varnish the brutality of
their form of government and the barbarity of its
administration. The more nobly and earnestly he wishes for
his country the gifts of justice, humanity, and freedom,
the plainer it becomes to him that they can be obtained
by unremittingly and uncompromisingly opposing the
ruling national tendencies of the century. He feels the
impossibility of wishing for progress and freedom of
thought at the same time with the strengthening of
national feeling in Russia. Not only the sentiment
of fatherland, but that national feeling which he feels
in his heart to be justified here, become re-actionary
from necessity. The freedom-loving patriot can long
enough and enthusiastically enough demand the
development of the people from within. He can only by
virtue of the points of view supplied by the culture of
Western Europe judge what there is in his own
country which ought to be promoted or repressed; and,
wherever he makes his exit, if he desires to see
human and civil rights respected in his land, and to see
strong emotions and productive ideas disseminated and
rooted there, he comes out by returning to the deficient
western culture, only too often caricatured in Russia,
which the sects detest, and which the national party of
the Slavophiles abhors and condemns. For on the
plane of development Russia has at this time reached,
he inevitably finds himself compelled to choose between
the two forces, — either the national with the sacrifice
of the ideal of progressive freedom and culture, or the
decidedly liberal, but then also without any firm footing
on Russian soil, and with only a weak connection with
the national spirit.
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