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followed are the four against Tsar Alexander II., of
which the first occurred April 2, 1879, the last, which
resulted in his death, March 13, 1881.
Nothing has set Russia farther backward than this last
occurrence, which was pregnant with misfortune. It
immediately prevented the formation of a sort of
parliamentary constitution, which had just then been
promised. It frightened the successor to the crown back
from the paths his father had entered upon at the
beginning of his reign, and it seemed to justify the rulers in
reprisals and measures of prevention of every kind.
Thus they have reached a point where they now are,
reached a policy which is no policy, — a policy of
apprehension and irresolution.
Generally, when we speak of the policy of Russia, we
mean its foreign policy, and many are dazzled by the
extraordinarily large display of the power of the empire.
We speak about Russia’s great “mission” in Central
Asia, about its irresistible advance towards India, etc.,
and then we admire Russian statesmanship. But what
power is there in Russia’s subjugating a little larger
or smaller number of semi-barbarian tribes in Asia,
and what statesmanship is there in involving itself
continually with more wars there, when it must
concern Russia to collect all its powers and make all its
preparations for the great impending conflict! These
Russian generals, with their victories won from Tatars
and Turcomans, remind us altogether too much of those
French commanders who were victorious over Abd-el-Kader
and were defeated by Moltke. What else are
they doing in Russia now, than once a year to conquer
an Abd-el-Kader!
And to pit against a man with Bismarck’s genius for
managing foreign affairs, Russia has not a single prime
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