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166
II. THE SWEDISH PEOPLE.
causes are, perhaps, a legislation and an administration somewhat too humane.
In several other respects, however, the phenomenon in question no doubt calls
for earnest reflection. That the conditions, however, — either in comparison
with those of times past or with those among other nations — are not so
disadvantageous as at times declared statistics bear incontestable witness. Speaking
generally, the earlier long wars have left in the temperament of the Swedish
people a certain residue of violence, which is not to be found in the same
degree with its neighbours — amongst whom again the frequency of many other
kinds of crimes is greater than in Sweden.
From Table 31 it will be seen that the frequency of serious crimes is beyond
comparison greatest between the ages 18 — 30, and next come the ages 15—18
and 30 — 40. The complaint heard in our days from nearly all nations about an
increasing frequency of crimes among minors has made itself heard in this country
too; a minute investigation has meanwhile shown that a deterioration really has
taken place up to 1900 in the first years of youth (15—21), whereas recent
times rather show an improvement.
Of those condemned for serious crimes during the period 1901—10, 80 % of
the men and 79 yi of the women were unmarried. Of the whole number, only
0’27 % were illiterate while no less than 3’65 % were unable to write. There
were l’l % in very good financial position; 23’4 % in easy circumstances; 58’7 %
in narrow circumstances; and 16"i % were destitute of means. 11’6 % had been
born out of wedlock, a figure which indicates a higher frequency of criminality
in that group than amongst the rest of the population. Among men 28’8 % and
among women 20’o % have previously been sentenced for serious crimes. Among
men and women alike, the frequency of Telapse shows an evident decrease.
Of prisoners received into the gaols of the kingdom during the period 1901
—10, to undergo penal servitude, 53’8 % among men and 15’8 % among women
reported that they had committed their crimes in a drunken condition; 13’9 %
of the men and 5’i % of the women stated that, though not in drink during
the perpetration of their crimes, they had nevertheless previously been given to
drinking habits. The corresponding figures for prisoners received during the
same period, ’ for undergoing simple imprisonment, were 60’9 and 14"3, 8’3 and
6’8 respectively. Though certain criticisms might be passed on the absolute
trustworthiness of these figures, they nevertheless give some idea of the
influence which abuse of alcohol has exerted on crime.
During the years 1906—10, the frequency of certain kinds of serious crimes,
expressed in the annual numbers of those condemned per million of the
population, was as follows (for the purposes of comparison, the corresponding figures
for the period 1891—95 are given between brackets): offence against public
authority 64’0 (30’4), forgery 24-2 (25"3), perjury l’8i (4’69), murder and attempt
to murder l-07 (1*74), homicide and causing another’s death 6’99 (7’2o),
infanticide, feticide, and the like 10-36 (13’2o), assault and battery 58’38 (57’3), rape
2-63 ( 2-03), sexual outrage 10’5i (6’66), arson 1’96 (5"38), theft 274’s (252), robbery
3’oo (2’44), fraud and improbity 31’oo (17-2), other kinds of crimes 24’20 (16’4);
thus altogether 515 (442) or — after subtraction of those guilty of more than
one crime — about 491 (415). Of some among these crimes, Table 31 offers
a survey also for times past which is of considerable interest in many respects.
The frequency of serious crimes in different parts of the country, during the
years 1901—10, is shown by the accompanying map. In order to facilitate
comparison with the corresponding map in the previous edition (referring to the years
1881—90), which is founded on fewer groups of figures, the summary in Table
32 gives additional information.
As serious crimes we have reckoned above offences for which the limits of
sentences include penalty of death, penal servitude or deprivation of office, and
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