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Chapter 21. Southern Conservatism and Liberalism 459
indeed, of adventure in all his relations with public authorities. He wants
them to be informal, considerate and personalized.
The South has not yet reached the objectivity and legality of the mature
democracy. But still less does it resemble the tight, totalitarian regimenta-
tion of the fascist state. It might, perhaps, be said to contain elements of
both. But, more fundamentally, the South is a stubbornly lagging Amer-
ican frontier society with a strong paternalistic tinge inherited from the old
plantation and slavery system. Paternalism is cherished particularly as the
ideal relation between whites and Negroes. The Southerner is proud of
his benevolence toward Negro dependents but would resent vigorously
their demanding this aid as a right. It must never be forgotten that the
caste system has a petty positive angle and not only a gross negative one.
Paternalism—as a social pattern which is persona], informal, determined
by whimsy and the impulses of the moment, touched by humor and
sentimentality, flattering the ego, but, nevertheless, not too expensive
—
fits ideally into the individualistic and romantic temper of the region.
Registrars and other county officials in the South show surprising indif-,
ference to, and sometimes brazen ignorance of, the laws and formal
procedures. They are systematically careless, and they are proud of it.
Even political discrimination against the Negro is haphazard and accidental
in this romantic and individualistic region. Most of the time the Negro is
not allowed to register or to vote, and he might risk anything up to his
life in attempting to do it. But sometimes he is allowed: because he is a
^‘good nigger,” because “he has the right,” because his voting “proves”
that there is no discrimination, or for no particular reason at all, or just
for the fun of doing the opposite of what is expected.
In most districts, most of the time, the Negro has also to be careful
about what he indulges in as far as organizational activity and concerted
political propaganda is concerned. In many communities leading white
citizens make no secret of the fact that they are carefully following—^with
the assistance of Negro stool-pigeons—^all signs of “subversive propaganda”
and unrest among the Negroes in the community, and that they interfere
to stop even innocent beginnings of Negro group activity. But more often,
and again for no visible reason, the Negroes are let alone to organize and
plead their causes as they please. The National Association for the Ad-
vancement of Colored People is often spoken of by conservative white
Southerners as a serious danger, organized from the North to stir up
Negroes in the South against the whites and to disrupt the social order
there. One is told that anybody from that organization sneaking into the
community will have to run fast in order not to be lynched. Incidents are
related to show that this is not an empty threat. But the N.A.A.C.P. has
local branches in over 100 cities in the South 5
and Garner, it is said,
wanted to have the 1940 N.A.A.CJP. convention in Houston, Texas, and
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