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510

(1944) [MARC] Author: Gunnar Myrdal
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Note: Gunnar Myrdal died in 1987, less than 70 years ago. Therefore, this work is protected by copyright, restricting your legal rights to reproduce it. However, you are welcome to view it on screen, as you do now. Read more about copyright.

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510 An American Dilemma
But there is, I have become convinced, a still deeper reason why
Negroes are so immune against Communism. Negroes are discriminated
against in practically all spheres of life, but in their fight for equal oppor-
tunity they have on their side the law of the land and the religion of the
nation. And they know it, all the way down to the poorest stratum. They
know that this is their strategic hold. No social Utopia can compete with the
promises of the American Constitution and with the American Creed which
it embodies. Democracy and lawful government mean so much more to a
Negro, just because he enjoys so comparatively little of it in this country.
Merely by giving him the solemn promise of equality and liberty, American
society has tied the Negroes’ faith to itself.
It should be observed, however, that several of the factors mentioned are
transitory to a degree. The prospect of stimulating Negro support would
also be different if a revolutionary movement once became really important
in America and in a position to exert a serious threat of assuming political
power. In such a situation a maltreated caste like the Negro people might
suddenly become uncertain in its political allegiance. The Negroes’ experi-
ences during the present War until the time when this is being written
(April, 1942) have undoubtedly had the general effect of loosening their
sentimental ties to American society.® But such a drift away from national
allegiance is the price eventually to be paid by a democratic society which,
in the fulfillment of the promises of democracy, makes an exception of one
group. It should also be observed that Communism, outside of party mem-
bership, has actually had a considerable influence upon the mode of think-
ing of the small group of Negro intellectuals who are, of course, easiest
to move. There has been a growth of general radicalism in this group, and
the present investigator has been surprised to find how it has spread also
to Negro professionals and, occasionally, even to the Negro press.
If we thus conclude that—for the near future at least—Communism or
any similar movement will not be able to muster any numerical support
from the Negro voters, we must, on the other hand, be aware that Negroes
as a group will from now on be in strong favor of a political party which
stands for social reform and civic equality. In this respect, the New Deal
promises to have permanent effects.® It has made this political alignment
apparent to the whole Negro people. When once the sentimental allegiance
to the Republican party was broken and a modern liberal movement in
American politics was inaugurated, this attitude became natural for a
group which includes so many who are perennially interested in public
assistance in one form or another. Negroes, in both the higher and the
lower strata, seem to understand pretty well that a liberal attitude in ques-
tions of economic relief and social reform is generally connected with a
more equalitarian attitude in racial matters.
*See Chapters 19 and 45.

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