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Footnotes 1239
U.S. Bureau of the Census, Negro Popilation in the United States: lygo^zgi^^
p. 461. The number of owned farm homes is approximately the same as the number of
owned farms. It is possible, however, that the frofortion of owned homes was somewhat
lower than the statistics indicate, for 1890, 1900, and 1910; the total number of farm
homes for these years was scarcely higher than the number of farm operators (owners
and tenants), whereas there was a large difference in 1930—indicating a substantial
number of farm homes occupied by wage laborers.
The number of owner-occupied Negro farm homes in the whole United States was
almost exactly the same (221,000).
U.S. Bureau of the Census, Negroes in the United States: jp2o-zpj2, pp. 257
and 577; and Sixteenth Census of the United States: ig40y Agriculture^ United States
Summary, First Series, Table VI.
See J. C. Folsom and O. E. Baker, A Graphic Summary of Farm Labor and Popula-
tion^ United States Department of Agriculture Miscellaneous Publication No. 265
(i 937 )> P- 10.
The degree of extension of credit itself, as well as the organization of the credit
market, is a factor relevant to Negro landownership. But this factor works in a com-
plicated way, and a discussion of it is beyond the scope of this book.
Folsom and Baker, op. cit.y p. 14.
Richard Sterner and Associates, The Negroes Share, prepared for this study
(1943). P- 19-
Sixteenth Census of the United States: ig40. Agriculture, United States Summary,
First Series, Table VI.
Similar interpretations are given by Rupert B. Vance, “Racial Competition for the
Land,” in Race Relations and the Race Problem, edited by Edgar C. Thompson (1939),
pp. 102-103.
There arc no complete statistics on the extent to which large holdings have or
have not maintained their relative position in Southern agriculture. Plantations do not
even exist in ordinary census statistics; a farm is defined in such a way that even a share-
cropper^s plot is regarded as an independent unit. This procedure has often been
criticized. See, for example, Karl Brandt, “Fallacious Census Terminology and Its
Consequences in Agriculture” Social Research (March, 1938). However, there was a
special enumeration of plantations in 325 counties in the Census of 1910 (Thirteenth
Census of the United States: igio. Agriculture, Vol. V, Chapter 12, “Plantations in the
South,” pp. 877-889). A similar enumeration was planned for the Census of 1940, but
the results have, at this writing, not yet been published. Tax digest data for certain plan-
tation areas in the Southeast indicate, however, that there has been a decline in the
number of large holdings (over 500 acres) and a large increase in the number of small-
and middle-sized holdings. These comparisons cover in one case (20 Georgia counties)
the whole period 1873-1934, and in other cases the period 191 1-1934 or 1922-1934
(Woofter and Associates, Landlord and Tenant, pp. 18, 197). This trend does not seem
to be quite general, however; another study indicates an opposite trend in 20 Louisiana
parishes (T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life (1940), pp. 305-307),
Davis, Gardner, and Gardner, op. cit,, pp. 296-297.
Arthur F. Raper, Preface to Peasantry (1936), pp. 1 21-122,
Ibid., p. 129. Dr. Raper cites the following example of how an attempt by accepta-
ble Negroes to buy land in a more desirable neighborhood of Greene County, Georgia,
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