Note:
Gunnar Myrdal died in 1987, less than 70 years ago.
Therefore, this work is protected by copyright,
restricting your legal rights to reproduce it.
However, you are welcome to view it on screen, as you do now.
Read more about copyright.
Full resolution (TIFF) - On this page / på denna sida - Footnotes - Chapter 13 - Chapter 14
<< prev. page << föreg. sida << >> nästa sida >> next page >>
Below is the raw OCR text
from the above scanned image.
Do you see an error? Proofread the page now!
Här nedan syns maskintolkade texten från faksimilbilden ovan.
Ser du något fel? Korrekturläs sidan nu!
This page has never been proofread. / Denna sida har aldrig korrekturlästs.
Footnotes 1259
but they were not considered as gainful workers in 1930. This group, however, is
small. (Regarding these problems of definition, see the previously quoted census publica-
tions.)
Sixteenth Census of the Umted States: ip-/o, Pofulation^ Preliminary Release,
Series P-4, No. 8. There were several cities, however, particularly in the North, where
the proportion of all workers (employed and unemployed) had become smaller among
Negro than among white males (Table 6). Also, there were in the North some large
cities where the relative number of female workers and job-seekers was only slightly
higher in the Negro than in the white group. In such cases Negro rates usually tended
to be even lower than white rates for girls under 25, at the same time as they were
higher for other age groups. {Ibid.y Series P-4, No. 6.) One sometimes hears that many
Negro mothers would rather work than let their daughters lose status in the eyes of
possible suitors by accepting positions as domestics. We can take it for granted, at any
rate, that the extremely limited range of job opportunities for Negro women is behind
this phenomenon; after all, of all Negro women workers in nonagricultural pursuits in
1930, less than one-half were able to find work other than as servants or cooks in private
families. (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Negroes in the United States:
pp. 303 and 358.) There has not been any substantial improvement since then.
Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1^40^ Pofulation^ Second Series, State
Reports, Table 17.
^®The proportion of old Negro men (75 years of age and over) who were still “in
the labor market” declined from 53 per cent in 19 30 to 23 per cent in 1940 (the
corresponding figures for whites were 31 and 18 per cent, respectively). (Sixteenth
Census of the United States: ig4o^ Pofulation^ Preliminary Release, Series P-4, No. 8.)
The discussion in this section is based, mainly, on the 1 940 Census. There are no
major studies which would enable us to get an idea about the trends in employment and
unemployment rates by race. In addition to the 1 940 Census, there are only two general
studies reliable enough to be used, viz. the Unemployment Check Census studies of
November, 1937 (Calvert L. Dedrick and Morris H. Hansen, Final Refort on Total
and Partial Unemfloyment^ igs7 [1938], Vol. 4) and the National Health Survey of
1935-1936 (Bernard D. Karpinos, The Socio-Economic and Emfloyment Status of the
Urban Youth of the United Statesy 1935-’
1936 [1941].) Both of these studies give
about the same picture of the character of the race differences in regard to the size of
the “labor force,” employment and unemployment as does the 1940 Census. (Sterner
and Associates, of, cit,y pp. 39-45.) Yet the three sets of data are not comparable to
such an extent that any conclusions regarding the trends could be drawn on the basis
of them.
Ibid,
y
pp. 44-45. Italics ours.
Chapter 14. The Negro in Businessy the Professionsy Public Service and
Other White Collar Occufations
^
U.S, Bureau of the Census, Alba M, Edwards, Social-Economic Groufing of the
Gainful Workers of the United States: 19^0 (1938), p. 86, Table 31.
^ Sutherland reports;
“The field studies indicated that there was no better place to study frustration of this
<< prev. page << föreg. sida << >> nästa sida >> next page >>
