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Footnotes 1285
croppers were somewhat better oflf. They had about the same position as the combined
group of Negro owners, cash tenants and share tenants. Highest on the scale was the
corresponding group of white operators.
^Sterner and Associates, of. cit,^ p« 7i« based on U.S. Department of Agricul-
ture, Bureau of Home Economics, Consumer Purchases Studyy Urban and Village
Series, Family Income and Exfenditure, Southeast Region, Miscellaneous Publication
No. 375, Part I, Family Income (1941), p. 92.
* In this case the only low income group excluded from the sample was broken
families. This is probably the main reason why Negro incomes in villages appear so
low compared with the income data for farm families contained in the same study.
In addition, it is probable that the great number of displaced Negro farm families in
Southern villages helps to drag the income level down. White village families in these
34 villages earned between three and four times as much as did Negro families. Their
median income was $1,220. For nonrelief families alone, it was $1,410. These figures
compare very well with those for the 8 groups of villages studied in other parts of the
country, which—if relief families are included—showed a range in median incomes of
from $737 (Illinois and Iowa) to $1,355 (California). In fact, only 3 of these 8
non-Southern village groups had income levels higher than those for white families in
Southern villages.*
^ Sterner and Associates, of. cit., p. 7 1
.
® Idem. Data based on U.S. Public Health Service, National Health Survey: i 9S 5~
1936, Preliminary Reports, Population Series, Bulletins A and C (1938). An addi-
tional confirmation, based on data for 14 Southern cities but only 3 Northern cities is
presented in Department of Commerce, Consumer Use of Selected Goods and Services,
by Income Classes, Market Research Series, No. 5 (1935-1937).
The mean income, on the other hand, seems to be significantly higher In Northern
than in Southern cities, since the frequency of very high incomes is greater in the
North. See, for instance, the estimates in National Resources Committee, Consumer
Incomes in the United States, 1935^1936 (1938), p. 28.
® Margaret Loomis Stecker, Intercity Diferences in Costs of Living in March, 19
3
S9 Cities (i 937 )> P- ^cix.
^ While the allowances for food may be sufficient, at least for a limited time, they
are not as large as the minimum amount for what the Bureau of Home Economics
calls a “good” diet, determined by what families in actual practice had been found able
to purchase. Only a few adequate dwelling units which can be rented for the amount
intended for housing in this budget are available in American cities.’*
® Sterner and Associates, of. cit., pp. 84-88.
® For example, the median income for nonrelief Negro families in Atlanta, consisting
of husband, wife and o, l, 2, and 3 to 4 children under 16, was $710, $685, $675
and $655, respectively. This was so in spite of the fact that the proportion of low
income families receiving public assistance—^who were not included in these figures
—
* U. S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Home Economics, Consumer Purchases
Study, Urban and Village Series, Family Income and Expenditure, Southeast Region, Mis-
cellaneous Publication No. 375, Part i. Family Income (1941), p. 14.
Sterner and Associates, of. cit,, pp. 86 and 316.
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