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Footnotes 1287
Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, of Consumer Purchasesy Urban Seriesy Family
Expenditure in Chicago
y
/ 955-3 Bulletin No. 64a, Vol. 2, Family Expenditure
(1939); Family Income and Expenditure in New York City, 1 935-^36, Bulletin No.
643, Vol. 2, Family Expenditure (1939); Family Expenditure in Nine Cities of the
East Central Regiony Bulletin No. 644, Vol. 2, Family Expenditure (1941); Family
Expenditure in Three Southeastern Cities, 1935-3 6
y
Bulletin No. 647, Vol. 2, Family
Expenditure (1940); and Urban Technical Series, Family Expenditure in Selected
CitieSy 1935-36, Bulletin No. 648, Vol. 8, Changes in Assets and Liabilities (1941),
Tabular Summary, Tables 2 and 3; U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Home
Economics, Consumer Purchases Study, Urban and Village Series, Family Income and
Expenditure, Five Regions, Miscellaneous Publication No. 396, Part 2, Family Expendi-^
ture (1940), pp. 182-189; Farm Series, Family Income and Expenditure, Five
Regions, Miscellaneous Publication No. 465, Part 2, Family Expenditure (1941),
p. 113.
Sterner and Associates, op, cit,, p. 93.
Ibid,, pp. 31 and 94-165.
^^Ibid.yip^, 163 and 165.
The general data on value of housing are not quite reliable since they have to be
estimated for families residing in their own homes or in houses owned by their em-
ployers. In the case of rent-paying families in Atlanta, Georgia; Mobile, Alabama;
Columbia, South Carolina; Albany, Georgia; and Columbus, Ohio, however, it can be
ascertained unequivocally that Negro tenants usually pay lower rents than do white
families with the same income; but in New York it is the other way around. (U.S.
Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Study of Consumer Purchases, Urban
Technical Series, Family Expenditures in Selected Cities, 1935-36, Bulletin No. 648,
Vol. I, Housing [1941], pp. 20 and 26; and Bulletin No. 647, Vol. i, op, cit,, p. 104,
and Family Income in Nine Cities of the East Central Region, 1935-36, Bulletin No.
644, Vol. I, Family Income [1939]) p. 88.)
It should be remembered that it is particularly difficult to get complete reports on
Negro food consumption, since Negro domestic servants, as well as hotel and restaurant
workers, often eat the food of their employers. The fact that the expenditures for
housing are sometimes lower, in relation to income, in Negro than they are in white
families may be due to the greater insecurity in Negro income. The phenomenon is
also characteristic of groups of lower social status generally. Wage earners often pay
lower rents than do business, professional and clerical workers in the same income
classes. (U.S. Department of Labor, Bulletin, No. 644, Vol. i, op, cit,, p. 90.)
Atlanta Negro families, in the average Negro income group $500-$999, had an
average of $241 to spend for clothing, personal care, medical care, recreation, and all
other items, after food, housing, household operation and furnishings had been paid
for. Negro sharecroppers with an income of less than $500 spend, on the average, $73
on the same “extra” items (clothing, medical care and so on). (Sterner and Associates,
op. cit., pp. 96 and 97.)
In the “average white” income class $1,500-$ 1,999, for instance, clothing
expenditures in Negro and white families were $206 and $180, respectively. Yet such
a difference is of little practical significance, as the number of Negro families in this
economic group is exceedingly small.
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