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Footnotes ^365
U.S. Federal Housing Administration, of, cit,y p. 63. These cities do not constitute
a representative sample of American cities, as Hoyt is well aware. They do not include
the seven most important cities in the country from the standpoint of total numbers of
Negroes. They are especially biased for the North: although 40 of the 64 cities were
in the North, they included only 3 of 28 Northern cities containing the largest num-
bers of Negroes. New York, Chicago, or Philadelphia alone—none of which was
included in the sample—^had more Negroes than all the included 40 Northern cities
put together. Of the 32 cities in the study containing the smallest proportions of non-
whites, all were in the North except two in the Border states; of the 16 cities contain-
ing the largest proportions of nonwhites all but one were in the South. For these reasons
we shall not draw the conclusion that Hoyt does, that “. . . the degree of nonwhite
concentration in any city increases directly with the number and proportion of non-
white persons in the population.” {Ibid,y p. 68.) On the basis of our own impression-
istic observations of cities not in Hoyt’s sample, we are Inclined to believe that the
correlation between concentration and proportion of Negroes is not large, and whatever
correlation there is would be due to the relation between number and proportion. In
other words, we should guess that the concentration of Negroes in a city is far more
related to their number than to their proportion in a city. We should also guess that
any generalization of this sort would have to be qualified for differences between
South and North.
Using an even less refined technique, one based on wards rather than blocks,
Burgess reported that Negroes showed the greatest concentration of any ethnic group
in a group of major cities—except for Philadelphia where the Italians were more
concentrated than the Negroes. (Ernest W. Burgess, “Residential Segregation in
American Cities,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social
Science [November, 1928], pp. 108-109.) For Chicago alone, there is a study of
residential concentration of Negroes by Mary Elaine Ogden, “The Chicago Negro
Community—^A Statistical Description” (mimeographed), Chicago: W.P.A. District 3
(1939). ’Phis study was done under the direction of Horace Cayton and W. Lloyd
Warner.
See Burgess, of. cit., p. no.
For a discussion of these movements and the forces behind them, see Lyonel C.
Florant in Chapter 2 of Samuel A. Stouifer and Associates, “Negro Population and
Negro Population Movements, 1860-1940,” unpublished manuscript prepared for
this study (1940).
Woofter has adopted a four-fold classification of cities based on the patterns of
residential segregation found in them. This is better than our two-fold classification
in many respects and deserves to be quoted here:
“The first group is typified by New York and Chicago, where the concentration of
Negroes is great and yet where it affects only a small part of the whole city area. In
Chicago this pattern seems to be changing as the Negroes spread more southward. . .
“The second group is typified by Richmond, and includes most of the large southern
cities where Negroes are highly concentrated in several rather large parts of the city
and lightly scattered in others, thus leaving a large proportion of the white people in
areas from lO to 90 per cent. Negro . . .
“The third group is typified by Charleston, and is lin^i^ed to the older southern
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