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Footnotes 1391
type characterized in the text, and with some other people in the Southeastern coast city
where he lives, is presented in excerpts in: Ralph Bunche, “A Brief and Tentative
Analysis of Negro Leadership,” unpublished manuscript prepared for this study (1940),
pp. 94-1 1 1.
®A word might also be said about the “shady” upper class—the big-time gamblers
and lords of vice and crime. In spite of the fact that they have, in a sense, upper class
status and may be personally popular, they cannot be used as regular leaders because they
do not fit the American idea of what a leader should be. They do act as “behind the
scenes” political leaders, especially in the North.
J. G. St. Claire Drake, “The Negro Church and Associations in Chicago,” unpub-
lished manuscript prepared for this study (1940), p. 402; and Allison Davis, Burleigh
B. Gardner, and Mary R. Gardner, Dee/> South (1941), pp. 236-239. This theme
appears in literature, too. See Walter White, The Tire in the Flint (1924).
® The Negro: The Southerner’s Problem (1904), p. 64.
® The best published study of Northern Negro political leaders is Harold F. GosnelFs
Negro Politicians ( 1 93 5 ) t
Chapter 35. The Negro Protest
^
See Melville J. Herskovits ( The Myth of the Negro Pasty prepared for this study
[1941], pp. 91 ff.) for a short survey of the slave revolts and for references to the
literature.
^ Growing Uf in the Black Belt (1941), p. 243,
® Quoted from W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction (1935), pp. 14-15.
^ lbid,y p. 122.
® Booker T. Washington, The Future of the American Negro (1902; first edition,
i899)>P- 132-
^ Race Adjustmenty Essays on the Negro in America (1908), pp. 17-18.
’^Patterns of Negro Segregation, prepared for this study (1943)9 p. 263.
® From a perspective of almost 40 years after he first opened attack on the “Tuskegee
Machine,” Du Bois comments upon it as follows:
“It arose first quite naturally. Not only did presidents of the United States consult
Booker Washington, but governors and congressmen: philanthropists conferred with
him, scholars wrote to him. Tuskegee became a vast information bureau and center of
advice. It was not merely passive in these matters but, guided by a young unobtrusive
minor official who was also intelligent, suave and far-seeing, active efforts were made to
concentrate influence at Tuskegee. After a time almost no Negro institution could
collect funds without the recommendation or acquiescence of Mr. Washington. Few
political appointments were made anywhere in the United States without his consent.
Even the careers of rising young colored men were very often determined by his advice
and certainly his opposition was fatal. How much Mr. Washington knew of this work
of the Tuskegee Machine and was directly responsible, one cannot say, but of its
general activity and scope he must have been aware. , . . The control was to be drastic.
The Negro intelligentsia was to be suppressed and hammered into conformity. The
process involved some cruelty and disappointment, but that was inevitable. This was the
real force back of the Tuskegee Machine. It had money and it had opportunity, and it
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