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1398 An American Dilemma
racial Organizations,” unpublished manuscript prepared for this study (1940), Vol. l,
p. 13.
® Bunche, “Conceptions and Ideologies of the Negro Problem,” p. 98.
® Booker T. Washington, The Future of the American Negro (1899), pp. 86-87.
Ibid,
y
pp. 85, 93, 176, 177 fassim.
* There were some Negro leaders (Isaac Myers, Josiah Weirs, Peter H. Clark, John
M. Langston, Sella Martin) even during the Reconstruction period who advocated
labor solidarity and trade unionism as a vital concern for the Negro people. Du Bois
says: “The Negroes, especially the Northern artisans, tried to keep in touch with the
white labor movement.” (Du Bois, Black Reconstructiony p. 360.) The Negro unions
sent delegates to the National Labor Union Convention in New York in 1869, and
Isaac Myers, their leader, appealed for solidarity between the white and Negro
laborers. The white labor movement responded rather coolly and in December of 1869
the Negroes held their own convention (The National Negro Labor Convention) in
Washington at which 159 delegates were present. {lbid,y p. 362.)
There was even some interest in the international labor movement. In 1870 Sella
Martin was sent as a delegate of the colored workers to the World Labor Congress in
Paris, but international labor was as uninterested in Negro labor as was the American
movement, and interest in international labor soon died among American Negro labor
unionists. (Ibid^y pp. 360-361.) For a complete account of the Negro labor movement
during Reconstruction, see ihid,y pp. 354-367; see also, Guion G. Johnson, “History of
Racial Ideologies in the United States with Reference to the Negro,” unpublished manu-
script prepared for this study (1940), Vol. 2, pp. 239-244, especially p. 239.
• Harris, in discussing the young intellectuals, says: “To have confined their propa-
ganda to the Negro bourgeoisie would have caused the Negro radicals to compromise
with the theories to which they were committed. Their acceptance of the theory of the
class struggle and their application of it to the race question caused them to champion
labor solidarity between white and black workers.” (Sterling D. Spero and Abram L.
Harris, The Black Worker [i93i]> p. 39 l)
“Conceptions and Ideologies of the Negro Problem,” pp. 1 31-133.
Ibid.y p. 1 30.
12
“Programs, Ideologies, Tactics and Achievements of Negro Betterment and Inter-
racial Organizations,” Vol. l, pp. 147-148.
In passing it should be observed that the academic radicalism of Negro intellectuals,
exemplified by the citation from Bunche, can easily come to good terms with the type
of liberal but skeptical laissez-faire (do nothing) opinion so prevalent among white
social scientists writing on the Negro problem. Both groups are critical of the fight for
sufifrage and civil rights. (See Chapter 39, Section 9.) Both assume that the economic
factor is basic. And—since neither party is very active in trying either to induce or to
prevent an economic revolution—it does not make much difference if the Negro
radicals look forward to an economic revolution and the white sociologists do not. (See
Appendix 2.)
^^Gunnar Myrdal, Pofulation: A Problem for Democracy (1940), pp. 87-88.
15
“Programs, Ideologies, Tactics and Achievements of Negro Betterment and Inter-
racial Organizations,” Vol. 4, p. 778.
Negro Americansy What Now? (1934), pp. 66-67.
W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of Dattm (1940), p. 309.
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