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1430 An American Dilemma
G. St. Clair Drake, “Churches and Voluntary Associations in the Chicago
Negro Community,” W.P.A. District 3, Chicago: project under the supervision of
Horace R. Cayton (December, 1940), p. 185.
“ O/. p. 55.
Drake, “Churches and Voluntary Associations in the Chicago Negro Community,”
pp. 207 and 282. (The latter page has statistical substantiation of the fact that lower
class Negroes join fewer associations than do upper class Negroes.)
Finding a Way Out (1920), p. 170.
Out of 22 local Urban League secretaries responding to a questionnaire sent out
for our study, all but one reported that lodges and fraternal orders were decreasing
among Negroes in their respective cities, and that Negro youth were showing less and
less interest in them. (T. Arnold Hill, “Churches and Lodges: Digest and Analysis of
Questionnaires Submitted by Urban League Secretaries for ‘The Negro in America,’
”
unpublished manuscript prepared for this study [1940], pp. 14-15.) Also see Drake,
“The Negro Church and Associations in Chicago,” p. 500; and Harry J. Walker,
“Negro Benevolent Societies in New Orleans,” unpublished manuscript available at
Fisk University (Nashville, Tennessee) (1936), p. 305.
Hill, Of. cit.y p. 1 3. According to Drake, it was mainly the lower class Negroes who
left the lodges within the past ten years, since they were primarily interested in the
death benefits given by lodges until the latter became financially unstable during the
1930’s. (“The Negro Church and Associations in Chicago,” pp. 500-502.)
Criticism of the waste of money by Negro lodges and clubs is made by many
Negro leaders. See, for example, James Weldon Johnson, Negro Americans^ What
Now? (1934), pp. 32-34.
^^As late as the 1 930*8, there were between 300 and 600 benevolent and mutual
aid organizations among Negroes in New Orleans. This was much more than among
whites in that city. (See Walker, of. cit.^ p. 18. This is, by far, the best study of Negro
lodges that has come to our attention.)
E. Nelson Palmer, “A Note on the Development of Negro Lodges in the United
States,” unpublished manuscript prepared for this study, under the direction of Guy B.
Johnson (1940), p. 12. Palmer bases this statement on two sources: Howard W. Odum,
Social and Mental Traits of the Negro (1910), p. 995 and Carter G. Woodson, “Insur-
ance Business among Negroes,” The Journal of Negro History (April, 1929), pp.
203-204.
®®W. E. B. Du Bois (editor). Some Efforts of American Negroes for Their Own
Social Betterment (1898), p. 17.
The Story of the Negro (1909), Vol. 2, pp. 168-169. Both the Du Bois and the
Washington evaluations are quoted in Palmer, of. cit.y pp. 14-15.
Also see Abram L. Harris, The Negro as Cafitalist (1936), p. 178.
Cited in Hill, of. cit., p. 16. In a few communities in the Deep South, lodges
have a few judicial functions.
“On St. Helena Island, for example, a man rarely goes to court before first laying
the case before his local lodge, ‘praise house,’ or church. Few cases even reach the
courts, for most of them are settled satisfactorily by these lodge and church ‘courts’,
including some rather serious ofifenses, such as theft and assault.” (T. J. Woofter, Jr.,
Bloch Yeomanry [1930], pp. 238-242, summarized by Guy B. Johnson, “Some
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