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1432 An American Dilemma
*See, for example, B. Schrieke, Alien Americans (1936), pp. 150-151, and James
Weldon Johnson, l^egro Americans^ Whai Now? (1934)) pp. 85-86 fassim, Negro
intellectuals, as the group which is rising most rapidly, are especially jealous of each
other. That is one reason why they are so critical of Negro leaders. A Negro friend of
the author’s, shortly after he confided that, in his opinion, certain Negro leaders accom-
plished absolutely nothing for the race, received an excellent position in a white institu-
tion due to the eflPorts of one of the leaders he so severely criticized.
^Allison Davis, Burleigh B. Gardner, and Mary R. Gardner, Deef South (1941),
P- 244-
®
“In spite of emancipation Negroes still feel it necessary to conceal their thoughts
from white people. In speech and in manner they may convey the impression of con-
currence and contentment when at heart they feel quite otherwise. In these recent
days the psychologists have come to call this a ‘defense mechanism,’ and some are sure
that it is the only thing that enables the Negro to survive in his contact with the white
man. Negroes are sometimes warned, even now, that they dare not manifest any resent-
ment toward mistreatment; that the safest policy to pursue is to acquiesce in the judg-
ment of thosi white people who have manifested a friendly attitude toward them and
appeal to their consciences for the redressing of wrongs and correction of abuses. Small
wonder that the Negro is so generally secretive.” (Robert R. Moton, What the Negro
Thinks [1929], pp. 12-13.)
® Hortense Powdermaker, After Freedom (1939), p. 286.
See Zora Neale Hurston, Mules and Men (1935), pp. 229-287, and Newbell N.
Puckett, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro (1926).
® In 1930, 58.3 per cent of all Negroes living in the North and West were Southern-
born, counting Missouri in the North. With continuing migration, a low birth rate,
and a recalculation putting Missouri in the South, the proportion today would no doubt
be higher. (U. S. Bureau of the Census, Negroes in the United States: ig2o-ig^2^
p. 22.)
* For an analysis of Negro words that refer to personality types, see Samuel M.
Strong, “The Social Type Method: Social Types in the Negro Community of Chicago,”
unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Chicago (1940).
U. S. Bureau of the Census, Eleventh Census of the United States: i 8go, “Crime,
Pauperism, and Benevolence,” Vol. i, p. 126.
See Guy B. Johnson and Louise K. Kiser, “The Negro and Crime,” unpublished
manuscript prepared for this study (1940), pp. 65 and 291 ff.
Ibid, p. 95. A similar criticism of Negro crime statistics is given by one of the
nation’s leading students of crime:
“Conclusions have been reached that the Negro is responsible for a ‘larger proportionate
share of crime’; and that ‘the Negro has committed more crime than any other racial
group’; and that ‘the Negro crime rate as measured by all comparative records is greater
than that of the white.’ . . . The data hitherto compiled from the sources discussed,
permit only one conclusion, namely, that the Negro appears to be arrested, convicted and
committed to penal institutions more frequently than the white. Any other conclusion
would be based on the assumption that the proportionate number of arrests, convictions
or, commitments to the total number of offenses actually committed is the same in both
groups. This assumption is untenable, for there are specific factors which seriously
distort the arrest, conviction and commitment rates for Negroes without aflfecting these
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