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CIVIL STATUS AND MAHRIAØES.
131
It would, however, not be quite correct to imagine that the percentage
of the unmarried in the population has increased to the extent that might
be supposed from the figures given above. The fact really is that a
great numbe? of the young people who have not found an opportunity
of entering into the married state have emigrated. In consequence of
this, the percentage of married out of the remaining population can be
expected to attain a much higher figure than one might expect from the
decline in the frequency of marriages. These conditions, both for earlier
and later times, are shown by Table 21.
From this table we see that no very considerable diminution in the number
of the married has taken place during the last few decades, and, as regards
particularly the younger women, we now find no diminution at all. Reckoning from
the period 1851 — 75 to 1910, we find that among the women the frequency
of marriage has risen in all the groups 15—20, 20—25 and 25—30 years,
in the first one from l’o to l’l %, and in the latter two from 17’4 to 19’6 %
and 47’2 to 47’9 % respectively. Even if no importance can be attached to
these small changes, it is at least plain that the retardation of marriage has
now come to an end. The same is also shown by the average age of entering on
marriage, which during the last decades has rather fallen than risen.
If we look for the causes of the diminished frequency of marriage in
Sweden, it is of importance first to find out when this diminution really
began. On a closer examination of Tables 21 and 22. we find that the
period 1751—75 (on the average) is marked by a very great frequency of
marriage, which, in a good many ways, must be regarded as exceptional
(and would be regarded so anywhere in Western Europe). We next find
that the half-century 1776—1825 shows little or no decrease. Thus, the
entire loss can, on the whole, be said to fall in the period after 1825 (or
really after 1835).
Concerning the period 1826—50 (or really 1836 — 60), the very low figures
during this time can be explained by the abnormal excess of the youthful
element of the population, resulting from the great number of births after the
end of the Napoleonic wars. The ower-crowding of the labour-market resulting
from this state of things very naturally diminished the possibilities of marriage
(and this same fact has probably not an unimportant share in the troubles and
disturbances in the European continent in 1848). It is also during 1836—60,
as an actual fact, that the period of retardation of marriage falls in this country.
The diminished frequency of marriage which does not explain itself by the
above conditions began only after 1860. Thus the cause of this diminution
can be none other than the fact, already noticed, that Sweden, during this time
was drawn away from its former, more isolated, industrial life and became
involved "in universal competition under conditions which were extremely
unfavourable —- as will be shown in the section dealing with the industries
of Sweden. In this way, both the diminished frequency of marriage and the
beginning of emigration is really explained. In the same degree as the indicated,
transitional difficulties are overcome, prospects should be opened up that both the
deplorable phenomena we have described will cease. But, nevertheless, we must
confess that the diminished frequency of marriage can partly be ascribed to the
steadily rising pretentions in the style of living, and the consequently increased
difficulties of bringing up a family. Some importance must also be attached
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